Identity in Rural Communities: Sociological Concepts

Identity in Rural Communities: Sociological Concepts Introduction Rural communities have been a source of much interest for those engaged within the sociological and geographical realms of study for many years now. The industrial revolution of the 18th and 19th centuries triggered the phenomenon of rural depopulation as millions throughout the Western nations, lured by the promise of a more prosperous existence in the urban core, abandoned their agrarian settlements. However, the late 20th century has witnessed a dramatic increase in the standard of living for the inhabitants of the developed world. Cataclysmic advancements in the spheres of transportation, infrastructure and technology have permitted the denizens of our cities with greater access to regions which were once isolated and peripheral. For the first time in over two centuries populations are now increasing throughout the urban hinterland and countryside. As a consequence, rural communities are now faced with a growing influx of ‘outsider’ or alien elements which may be per ceived to threaten their unique cultural and social traditions. Such elements range from governmental legislation (imposed from a regional, national or supranational level) to tourism and second home ownership. However, in an increasingly globalised and homoginised world, academics have developed great interest in the methodologies deployed by erstwhile isolated settlements as they strive to conserve their very identities and notions of ‘community’. Mewitt has argued that the ‘esoteric cultures’ of rural communities have been much undervalued. He states that, ‘a local population can possess a largely unique culture that remains distinctive in that its symbolic manifestations convey meanings that are commonly understood only among those people.’[1] Defining the Communal Boundary Muir eloquently highlights that, ‘every landscape is enmeshed in networks of boundaries. Some of these are living or current and others are relics of former patterns of overlordship and partition.’[2] He further adds that, ‘some boundaries are political in character’ whilst ‘others relate to ownership and tenancy.’[3] Indeed, the configuration of the present day counties of England dates from Medieval times when the Normans attempted to organise and rationalise the physical landscape. Muir explains that as the number of people residing in a specific locale increases, the greater the necessity precipitates to impose physical boundaries to ‘serve both instructive and symbolic roles.’[4] The remnants of Medieval ‘landscapes of power’ can still be observed in the guise of churches or castles positioned on elevated terrain. Indeed Muir emphasises that, ‘Medieval crosses were frequently associated with marking route way s and the places where roads entered ecclesiastical property.’[5] However, sociologists argue that the concept of ‘boundary’ often surpasses the purely mundane realm. Cohen insists that the boundary of a community is ‘more complex than its physical, legal or administrative basis’ and even ‘ethnic, racial, religious or linguistic differences.’[6] Indeed, he believes that communal, social and physical frontiers may ‘exist in the minds of their beholders’ and are often not objective entities.[7] Indeed, according to Cohen and other commentators the boundaries of a community may be defined in a variety of ways including local genealogy, traditions, idioms, land distribution, folk histories and idiosyncrasies. Defining the Rural Community Shuttles argues that whilst urban communities were traditionally defined on the basis of ‘race, ethnicity and socioeconomic differences,’ rural communities were typically ‘more homogenous.’[8] However, he notes that power was normally concentrated ‘in the hands of a small group of local elites.’[9] Shuttles’ comments are interesting when one considers what many regard as being symbolic of the typical or idyllic rural community. The English manor house and rustic thatched cottage conjure up images of a romantic and traditional arcadian scenario. Indeed, sociologists are now quick to highlight how the paintings of artists such as Constable, and the lucid literary descriptions of writers like Thomas Hardy, have done much to perpetuate the myth of idyllic rural communities within the collective mindset. These were communities where everyone seemingly had his or her ‘place’ within a clearly defined and functional social hierarchy. However, Seymour et al. state that ‘recent debates in rural studies have highlighted the need to reconsider power relations in the countryside by allowing other voices to be heard.’[10] They insist that previously marginalised groups, such as manual workers and housewives, play just as important a role in defining the local community as those in positions of economic and political power. They also note that traditional stereotypes of the rural community are changing both within and out with the locale. For example, farmers were typically viewed as ‘patriotic food producers and the guardians of the countryside.’[11] Since the 1980s the pollution issues concerning unsustainable farming practices and use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides have severely altered the once romantic myth of the farmer as custodian of the landscape and lynch pin of the rural community. Jones’ study of social attitudes in and around the town of Cwmrheidol in rural west Wales is most illuminating. In the late 1980s she began to interview a wide range of locals and incomers; participants included: ‘traditional women and feminists, Welsh speakers and English speakers, residents and summer visitors, New Age travellers, hill farmers and urban commuters.’[12] Indeed, Jones’ findings reveal a plurality of attitudes regarding what constitutes ‘community’ in the local area. Ieuan, a Welsh-speaking hill farmer, seemed to resent official bodies and felt that EU legislation was gradually eroding traditional farming practices and his way-of-life. He was also angry with the planting of Forestry Commission coniferous forests on the hillsides and the imposition of alien boundaries upon once communal pasturelands. Ieuan complained about the ‘thoughtlessness of tourists’ and was sceptical regarding plans to diversify the tourist in dustry.[13] His conservative attitude was shared by Alison and Phil, ‘incomers’ from England, who also opposed development of the area and believed that new housing projects could destroy the rustic character of the local milieu. Another ‘incomer’ named Ros also exhibited similar sentiments and did not want change, so much so that she stated how she would protest vehemently against the renovation of a nearby ‘ruin’. Indeed, one could say that Ieuan, Alison and Phil, and Ros viewed the traditional community as something which should be cherished and remain static throughout time. However, the ‘incomers’ did state that they felt very much like ‘outsiders’ despite having lived in the region for some time. As Ros stated, ’the old locals they’re a community on their own.’[14] The local vicar Patrick Thomas was more than aware of the existence of ‘communities within communities’ throughout this part of Wales. A principal boundary was of a linguistic nature and those who could not speak the Welsh language became effectively excluded from many social and communal activities. Many older inhabitants simply did not view ‘incomers’ as part of the community and seemed to view them as a threat. The vicar strove to promote individual responsibility and attempted to encourage community values regardless of whether an inhabitant was of an ‘insider’ or ‘outsider’ status. Indeed, Patrick Thomas clearly viewed the entire community as a cohesive whole whilst others chose to be more selective in their analysis, often on the grounds of language, ethnicity and place of origin, regarding who was a part of their local ‘community’. Mewett notes how the inhabitants of the Isle of Lewis choose to define the boundaries of the community. He emphasises the importance of nicknames throughout the island by ‘expressing to people the attachment of themselves and others to the local community’[15] and by effectively defining their very social identities. Cohen’s study of the Shetland Island community of Whalsay revealed the existence of a ‘public treasury of personal knowledge.’[16] This social treasury included; ‘the public identities of Whalsay people: the characters attributed to them in public discourse and formulated on the basis of the stereotypical qualities of their kinsfolk or their township of origin; the anecdotal knowledge of incidents in which they were participants; supposed personal idiosyncrasies and so forth.’[17] Such a methodology of social definition is representative of a local folk history and assists in binding the local community together and affirming the notion of ‘being Whalsa’. Cohen concludes that public identities provide social boundaries for the community and serve as veritable ‘compass bearings’.[18] Cohen also highlights the linkage of a person to a place in Whalsay and the propensity of locals to depersonalise individual talents and skills. If someone exhibits an aptitude for woodwork they are said to have ‘Skaw-blood’ in them. The origin of this saying derives from the belief that many skilled carpenters once came from the town of Skaw in the north. This was due to the fact that drift wood commonly accumulated on the coast near this town and the local artisans had a ready supply of the raw material. To compliment one’s ability in such a way effectively grounds the individual within the historical, genealogical, physical and symbolic boundaries of the imagined island community. McFarlane’s study of four villages in Northern Ireland highlights how rural communities choose to define their communal identities and demarcate boundaries within a nation fraught with religious tension. In the predominantly Protestant village of Ballycuan the local history is recounted from a Protestant perspective. The July band marches also symbolised Protestant hegemony within the community and, as the local band master stated, ‘remind everyone that Ballycuan is a Protestant village.’[19] Conversely, in the village of Glenleven, Protestants seemed to ‘present histories which appear to be much less certain about Protestant strengths.’[20] This was due to their minority status in the town and the general consensus amongst all inhabitants that a good sense of community outweighed religious differences. This is an example of how rural inhabitants may choose to redefine the symbolic boundaries of their communities in order to accommodate a plurality of interests. Conclusion As Tuan emphasises, human territoriality and the creation of community is very different to that of the animals which is ‘unburdened by symbolic thought.’[21] There is often ‘an emotional bond between man and nature, man and place.’[22] Cohen’s and Mewett’s studies of rural island communities have highlighted this fact. Community boundaries may be imposed by a variety of individuals or groups in accordance with how they perceive, or wish to perceive, their local society. Such symbolic representations are often crafted on the basis of class, gender or ethnicity but, as Cohen has shown, they can also be very subjective. Cohen also notes that the coming of improved transport linkages to rural communities and the mass market will offer new challenges to how people in the countryside identify themselves collectively. He is however confident that they will continue to define the symbols and boundaries which establishes one as ‘an integral piece of the fabric which constitutes the community.’[23] Bibliography COHEN, A. P. Belonging: Identity and social Organisation in British rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982 COHEN, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986 COHEN, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987 CRANG, M. Cultural Geography, Routledge, 1998 GIDDENS, A. Sociology, 5th Edition, Polity Press, 2006 LEWIS, G. J. Rural Communities, David and Charles, 1979 LOWERTHAL, D. BOWDEN, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1976 MILBOURNE, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997 MITCHELL, D. Cultural Geography: A Critical Introduction, Blackwell, 2000 MUIR, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000 PENNING-ROWSELLE, E. C. LOWENTHAL, D. Landscape Meanings and Values, Allen and Unwin, 1986 SALTER, C. L. The Cultural Landscape, Dixbury Press, 1971 1 Footnotes [1] Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 222 [2] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 68 [3] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 68 [4] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 69 [5] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 82 [6] Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary in a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 14 [7] Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary in a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 14 [8] Shuttles, G. D. The Social Construction of Communities, University of Chicago Press, 1972, pg. 260 [9] Shuttles, G. D. The Social Construction of Communities, University of Chicago Press, 1972, pg. 260 [10] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 57 [11] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 58 [12] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 135 [13] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 137 [14] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg.139 [15]Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 243 [16]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [17]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [18]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [19] Cohen, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986, pg. 94 [20] Cohen, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986, pg. 94 [21] Lowerthal, D. Bowden, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1986, pg. 13 [22] Lowerthal, D. Bowden, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1986, pg. 13 [23] Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 21

“My Last Duchess” by Robert Browning Essay

Robert Browning sets the tone of â€Å"My Last Duchess,† by using three significant poetic techniques, one of which is imagery. Browning uses the Duke’s monologue to sketch out images in the reader’s mind of the Duchess herself, and the sinister personality of the Duke. Browning also uses another key device, which is diction to illustrate the darkness in this poem. Browning’s careful word choice adds to the description of the Duchess and perhaps her disgraceful behavior, as well as the Duke’s terrifying jealousy, and expectations. Finally, Browning also uses symbolism, which is instrumental in showing the Duke’s jealousy, which possibly could have led to the Duchess’ demise. Robert Browning is able to achieve a haunting, mysterious, and eerie tone in â€Å"My Last Duchess,† by using imagery, precise diction, and symbolism. The imagery in â€Å"My Last Duchess,† conveys a clear picture in the reader’s mind of not only of the Duchess, and her portrait, but also the darkness of the Duke’s life. The Duke begins his soliloquy by saying, â€Å"That’s my last duchess painted on the wall, / Looking as if she were alive,† (1-2) already the reader is hit with the image of the late Duchess’ portrait. A mysterious tone lurks as the Duke speaks because the reader now wonders how the Duchess died. As the Duke continues with his speech, he vividly paints a picture of the Duchess. The Duke recounts how the painter, Fra Pandolf compliments her beautiful skin by saying, â€Å"Paint / Must never hope to reproduce the faint /Half-flush that dies along her throat† (17-19). As the Duchess blushes at Pandolf’s kindness, the Duke’s jealousy is building up. As the Duke and his guest make their way downstairs to meet the rest of the company, the Duke says, â€Å"Notice Neptune, though / Taming a sea-horse, thought a rarity† (54-55). The image of Neptune as he tames the sea horse is a perfect example of the Dukes temperamental, and controlling personality. This image reflects his domineering disposition, which adds to the haunting, eerie tone. An eerie and mysterious tone is further enhanced by Browning’s use of diction. Browning’s particular word choice in this dramatic monologue steers the reader to believe that over time the Duchess’ flirtatious nature becomes more difficult for the Duke to handle. As he says to the emissary, â€Å"Sir, ’twas not / Her husband’s presence only, call that spot / Of joy into the  Duchess’ cheek,† (12-14) the Duke begins to explain how she is charmed by anyone, and â€Å"too easily impressed† (24). In addition to being overly impressed by gifts from â€Å"officious fools,† (27) the Duke is especially upset as he says, â€Å"she ranked / My gift of a nine-hundred-years-old name / With anybody’s gift.† By marrying the Duchess the Duke gave her the gift of nobility, and she now holds a higher social rank. He feels that that gift alone should maintain her happiness, and commitment to him. The Duke’s anger, and jealously have now escalated, and the reader begins to question what his madness will carry him to do. Another meticulous selection of words Browning uses is, † Oh, sir, she smiled, no doubt, / Whene’er I passed her; but who passed without / Much the same smile? This grew; I gave commands; / Then all smiles stopped together.† (43-46) The poem has now turned very mysterious, how was the Duchess executed, and who other than the Duke is responsible? Browning is able to make the Duke’s controlling nature apparent through the use of symbolism. The Duke’s need to be dominate and in control at all times is frightening. The portrait of the late Duchess is a symbol to show the Duke’s dominance. The Duchess had slightly rebelled against the Duke, and he questions her fidelity when he says, â€Å"She thanked men, good! But thanked / Somehow I know not how† (31-32). The Duke was distraught that he was unable to control her innocent blushes, or friendly smiles at others. It finally came time for the Duke to take matters into is own hands, he then, â€Å"gave commands,† (45) and â€Å"then all smiles stopped together† (46). The art is a symbol that he is now able to control her every glance and every smile. Not only does he now have complete control over her, his guests are only allowed to see her when he draws a curtain and permits them to. It is exceptionally haunting that the Duke is so obsessed with having the power to control someone. The imagery brought to the reader’s mind as the Duke is entertaining the emissary is chilling. Browning’s comparison between the Duke and Neptune increase the mysterious effect. As the Duke explains that he refuses to allow his next wife to behave the way the late Duchess did, mystery sets in as it makes the reader question if he is capable of committing this crime  again, and how the Duchess was brought to her demise. Browning’s word choice also enhances the mystery and eeriness of the poem. By using diction, the Duke’s controlling personality was described. Finally, Browning uses the Duchess’ portrait as a symbol In conclusion, Robert Browning achieved a haunting, mysterious, and eerie tone through the use of three poetic techniques.

Late Adulthood and Death Paper - 1460 Words

Late Adulthood and Death Paper PSY/280 July 19, 2011 Late Adulthood and Death Paper Analyzing late adulthood and the death of an individual as a culmination of the life span development process one must understand late adulthood consists of. This paper will give a brief overview of ageism and stereotypes associate with late adulthood. This will explain how health and wellness techniques in the late adulthood stages can mitigate the negative effects of aging. As people age the social views and experiences changes in relationships and interactions with individuals, as he or she nears end of life. When closely approaching the end of life, a person has cultural and personal attitudes about death and dignity in late adulthood. Ageism and†¦show more content†¦The aging process in late adulthood is called senescence. People cannot stop the effects of aging but there are alternatives that can help ease the process. These measures are not always followed because people make poor life choices such as smoking. Aging adults will even spend millions of dollars trying to slow the process of aging. No matter how much money they spend aging will occur. Most aging adults do not receive the necessary preventive services to help promote health and wellness during this stage of life. These preventive services include vaccinations and screenings. These important services help detect many diseases, delay their onset, or identify them early in their most treatable stages to ensure healthier, longer, and more productive lives for older adults (Prevention, 2011). Better people take care of themselves the longer they will live. People who balance: the right diet, making better choices and not acting sedentary has a better chance in living longer lives. With the advances in medical care, better health practices, improved nutrition, and other factors help people live longer. As long as older adults are following the correct measures, they can help counter the effects of aging because this stage here most people retire, they need to stay active and keep eating healthy foods. By not living actively can lead to his or her body shutting down, and may also lead to an early death. Many programs are available that older adults can join toShow MoreRelatedLate Adulthood and End of Life Paper1394 Words   |  6 PagesLate Adulthood and End of Life Paper Late Adulthood and End of Life Paper Throughout a human beings lifespan, an individual experiences many pivotal changes both physically and mentally. Of all of these life stages, none is more difficult a reality as late adulthood. Individuals are given a taste of youth and vitality, and must watch as it is slowly taken away. 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Behavior Health Technician ( Bht ) At Children Hospital Of...

1. Describe the event/experience/scenario. I am currently a Behavior Health Technician (BHT) at Children Hospital of the King’s Daughters (CHKD). My role is to provide guidance and support patients with acute mental health and suicide ideation. I relatively enjoy my job and often find it very easy to build strong client-worker relationships. Before a recent event as well as other current life experiences, I was very confident of myself. Even though I did not always apply what I was under the assumption was intrinsic self -confidence. I have always believed in my heart; â€Å"I can accomplish anything I put my mind to.† However, recently indicative of several challenging experiences my philosophy was put to the test. In this paper, I will be discussing a particular event that made me reevaluate my impartial subjective thinking and its potential fallacy. About a month ago, while at work, I was asked to assist a behavior health patient in the emergency room. On a typical day, the first thing I do is collect historical background data of the client from a standard report. In my opinion, this is helpful for me to determine suitable intervention approaches. However, because of time limitations I spoke directly to another BHT to collect the client’s information. She seemed profusely negative and acrimonious about having to work with the patient. I believe she had already formed her opinion about the client and was now trying to infringe her feelings on me. As a result, I immediately